As revolutionaries, we must expose the …


As we enter the third decade of the 21st century a few months from now, we are faced with questions that require not only answers but also actions. Before even starting to answer the questions, we must at least dissect these questions, give them a meaning, analyze them using revolutionary analysis tools; through this, we can reconcile our minds to be ready to answer these questions.

In this article, I will analyze chapter 3 of Frantz Fanon, “The traps of national consciousness”, in his book The damned of the earth, appropriate of the chapter to expose the pitfalls of South African pseudo-democracy and I will also use the dialectical materialism of Karl Marx to make sense of the phenomena and in doing so try to chart a way forward that will be rooted in the theory and practice.

In “The Traps of National Conscience”, Fanon invites us to analyze the “national bourgeoisie”, which in this case is the new political elite, the BEE comrades, high-ranking members of the party / liberation movement (members of the ‘ANC) who come to power after independence or in our context, after apartheid. This national bourgeoisie, it should be noted, is not necessarily in charge – they are in charge on paper and the reason they are not in charge is because they have no idea what that they do.

The national bourgeoisie is turning its back more and more on the interior and on the real facts of the underdeveloped country, and tends to turn to the old motherland and the foreign capitalists who rely on its obedience. As he does not share his profits with the people and does not in any way allow him to benefit from the contributions paid to him by large foreign companies, he will discover the need for a popular leader who will have the dual role of stabilizing the regime and to perpetuate the domination of the bourgeoisie. The bourgeois dictatorship of the underdeveloped countries draws its strength from a leader. “Frantz Fanon, 1961.

This is already prevalent in South Africa as white monopoly capital, a highly organized group, funded Cyril Ramaphosa’s campaign to become ANC president and de facto the country. They bought him the presidency so that he could administer their affairs, while through the media they have always captured, the poor masses on the ground are being sold the idea of ​​this messianic savior, who will bring investments. and stabilize the economy. It should be noted that the power of this medium is stifling because it justifies with auspicious lies any other party or leader who could disrupt the status quo.

These pitfalls are revealed over time under the reign of the national bourgeoisie. The national bourgeoisie has become comfortable, lazy and uninventive because it is not concerned with actually governing and including the poor masses in the economy, but with the administration of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. .

The struggle against the bourgeoisie of the underdeveloped countries is far from being theoretical. It is not a question of making one’s condemnation as it is posed by the judgment of history. One should not oppose the national bourgeoisie of the underdeveloped countries because it threatens to slow down the total and harmonious development of the nation. He must be fiercely opposed because, literally, he is useless.»Frantz Fanon, 1961.

This struggle does not qualify because we have to convince each other and waste time trying to find something progressive in this national bourgeoisie, it qualifies through the lived experiences and the current material conditions of the lumpenproletariat which did not exist. improved over the last 25 years of this bogus democracy.

Fanon then asks us to consider a party different from the expiring liberation movement, a party that is by the people and for the people, a party that criticizes itself regularly and seeks to resolutely correct itself.

In an underdeveloped country, party leaders must avoid the capital as if it had the plague. They should, with few exceptions, live in the countryside. The centralization of all activities in the city should be avoided. No excuse of administrative discipline should be taken to legitimize this outgrowth of a capital already overpopulated and overdeveloped for nine tenths of the country. The party should be decentralized to the extreme. It is the only way to revive dead regions, regions which are not yet awakened to life. Frantz Fanon, 1961.

In our context, Fanon says that one has to imagine a party where the party leaders live in rural areas, for example, the Eastern Cape, Limpopo, the Northwest Cape and the North Cape and so on, avoiding Gauteng and the Western Cape. While we recognize the brilliance of this idea, especially in helping in areas where the party is dead and the masses live at the hands of the liberation movement, the capital itself is helping the party maintain its relevance in mainstream politics. and to have information about what is happening in the country. The danger of the leaders living in the capital, it is the tendencies of the capital. The capital swallows, captures a revolutionary and turns him into a stooge who envies the life of the national bourgeoisie and its decadent overconsumption of frivolous commodities which are rejects of the mother country. The capital, in essence, hijacks and delays the revolution.

CLR James in his 1947 essay titled “Dialectical materialism and the destiny of humanity“States that” the second law of dialectical materialism is the change from quantity to quality. At a certain stage, a developing contradiction, so to speak, breaks out, and the two elements of the contradiction are thus altered. In the history of the company, these explosions are called revolution. All the economic, social and political trends of the time find a point of completion which becomes the starting point of new trends.

This second law was formulated by Karl Marx advancing on the Hegelian dialectic. It is important to simplify this law by analyzing the dynamics and political context of South Africa. I think that before we get to an explosion, it is these tendencies of the national bourgeoisie that must be sharpened for all to witness so that when they have reached their completion, we are lucky at this “starting point. “to create the revolutionary trends that we seek to see. This moment could in the near future be characterized as a cultural revolution which will not overthrow the state and the liberation movement, but will serve as a springboard for the revolution that is to take place.

The next decade presents a new opportunity in the way the revolutionary party itself, the Fighters for Economic Freedom, matures in the way it runs its organization, deals with reactionary and counter-revolutionary mainstream media, or creates its own. media by bringing its machines to the people. .

It is the advantage of the Economic Freedom Fighters to be always coherent in the way they sharpen the contradictions which prevail at a precise moment whether it is in Parliament, in press briefing or through the work of their municipal councilors.

The declarations adopted at party assemblies will gradually change over time over the new decade, but what is important is that they urgently change to address the current conditions of the dispossessed, slaughtered and dispossessed masses. landless of our people. DM


Thelma J. Longworth